Thursday, May 29, 2008

Is It True About Obama?

Send this to your dental hygienist, the cat lady next door, that friend who listens to talk radio, anyone who's ever sent you a forward e-mail of any kind... and everyone else who's a wee out of touch and "old enough" to vote.

Saturday, May 24, 2008

Linked

A website called Is Barack Obama Muslim? dot com.

Saturday, May 17, 2008

Friday, May 16, 2008

Reprinted

David Brooks gave Barack Obama a kiss today:

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Hezbollah is one of the world’s most radical terrorist organizations. Over the last week or so, it has staged an armed assault on the democratic government of Lebanon.

Barack Obama issued a statement in response. He called on “all those who have influence with Hezbollah” to “press them to stand down.” Then he declared, “It’s time to engage in diplomatic efforts to help build a new Lebanese consensus that focuses on electoral reform, an end to the current corrupt patronage system, and the development of the economy that provides for a fair distribution of services, opportunities and employment.”

That sentence has the whiff of what President Bush described yesterday as appeasement. Is Obama naïve enough to think that an extremist ideological organization like Hezbollah can be mollified with a less corrupt patronage system and some electoral reform? Does he really believe that Hezbollah is a normal social welfare agency seeking more government services for its followers? Does Obama believe that even the most intractable enemies can be pacified with diplomacy? What “Lebanese consensus” can Hezbollah possibly be a part of?

If Obama believes all this, he’s not just a Jimmy Carter-style liberal. He’s off in Noam Chomskyland.

That didn’t strike me as right, so I spoke with Obama Tuesday to ask him what he meant by all this.

Right off the bat he reaffirmed that Hezbollah is “not a legitimate political party.” Instead, “It’s a destabilizing organization by any common-sense standard. This wouldn’t happen without the support of Iran and Syria.”

I asked him what he meant with all this emphasis on electoral and patronage reform. He said the U.S. should help the Lebanese government deliver better services to the Shiites “to peel support away from Hezbollah” and encourage the local populace to “view them as an oppressive force.” The U.S. should “find a mechanism whereby the disaffected have an effective outlet for their grievances, which assures them they are getting social services.”

The U.S. needs a foreign policy that “looks at the root causes of problems and dangers.” Obama compared Hezbollah to Hamas. Both need to be compelled to understand that “they’re going down a blind alley with violence that weakens their legitimate claims.” He knows these movements aren’t going away anytime soon (“Those missiles aren’t going to dissolve”), but “if they decide to shift, we’re going to recognize that. That’s an evolution that should be recognized.”

Obama being Obama, he understood the broader reason I was asking about Lebanon. Everybody knows that Obama is smart (and he was quite well informed about Lebanon). The question is whether he’s seasoned and tough enough to deal with implacable enemies.

“The debate we’re going to be having with John McCain is how do we understand the blend of military action to diplomatic action that we are going to undertake,” he said. “I constantly reject this notion that any hint of strategies involving diplomacy are somehow soft or indicate surrender or means that you are not going to crack down on terrorism. Those are the terms of debate that have led to blunder after blunder.”

Obama said he found that the military brass thinks the way he does: “The generals are light-years ahead of the civilians. They are trying to get the job done rather than look tough.”

I asked him if negotiating with a theocratic/ideological power like Iran is different from negotiating with a nation that’s primarily pursuing material interests. He acknowledged that “If your opponents are looking for your destruction it’s hard to sit across the table from them,” but, he continued: “There are rarely purely ideological movements out there. We can encourage actors to think in practical and not ideological terms. We can strengthen those elements that are making practical calculations.”

Obama doesn’t broadcast moral disgust when talking about terror groups, but he said that in some ways he’d be tougher than the Bush administration. He said he would do more to arm the Lebanese military and would be tougher on North Korea. “This is not an argument between Democrats and Republicans,” he concluded. “It’s an argument between ideology and foreign policy realism. I have enormous sympathy for the foreign policy of George H. W. Bush. I don’t have a lot of complaints about their handling of Desert Storm. I don’t have a lot of complaints with their handling of the fall of the Berlin Wall.”

In the early 1990s, the Democrats and the first Bush administration had a series of arguments — about humanitarian interventions, whether to get involved in the former Yugoslavia, and so on. In his heart, Obama talks like the Democrats of that era, viewing foreign policy from the ground up. But in his head, he aligns himself with the realist dealmaking of the first Bush. Apparently, he’s part Harry Hopkins and part James Baker.

Monday, May 12, 2008

Where Is The 26 Yr. Old Speechwriter?

It seems like Jon Favreau has completely left the campaign. Has the pair of him and Barack Obama said all they have to say together, already? Or did Jon lose his touch, lose his way with words, or what? Or... does Barack Obama really not have a mature vision yet, after all? Or am I missing something...

Thursday, May 08, 2008

What I Wish He Would Say, part 1

In response to this.

"Some people wonder if I am realistic about the usefulness of diplomacy and dialogue. Look, we have seen, for five long years, the limits of what we can accomplish without it. We can depose Saddam Hussein, or similiar figures elsewhere in the world. We can do this. We are very, very, very good at it -- the best there has ever been. And during my Presidency, the military will continue to have the ability -- the know-how, and the muscle -- to do it. That will not change.

"Let me say one important thing about this. As your President, I will immediately expect civilian military leadership to do a much, much better job than what we all saw happening for so much of the Iraq war. For this important reason, I would consider requesting of current Secretary of Defense Gates that he continue to serve his country in that position. He has done a good job in tough conditions, and, if you elect me, I would very much look forward to talking with him about, among other things, the importance of continuity and institutional memory. The world will continue to benefit from America's guiding hand, in times of danger and times of need. I believe this will be forever so.

"I have tried for my entire adult life -- in my own home, in neighborhoods, in state government, in Congress, all across this great land and here before you today -- to help people see as clearly as they are able that the American hand which projects power in the world does so by holding a light. This is not the guiding hand of a parent. We are sisters and we are brothers. Through the commitments of family and the bonds of friendship we learn our most valuable lessons about how to live with each other. Sturdy, affordable, sustainable housing for all, economies moving forward under their own steam, families feeling safe with children growing strong, peaceful neighborhoods, diplomacy and dialogue: if a nation is at least moving forward toward these things, I hope we will all agree to consider its people least our distant friend. As any adult knows, this friendship does not have to mean we will agree every day.

"I am realistic about the usefulness of dialogue and diplomacy. Even a President who starts his or her term in a time of calm will have to issue orders to the military to go somewhere, to do something important; history tells us this. I believe history tells us something else. The most promising investment a personn, a people or a nation can make is in an abiding time of peace. Not the peace of isolationism or appeasement. Not the peace of authoritarian calm. Not a peace without grievances. And not the peace of mind that might come from naive trust in me or any other leader, or peace in misguided certainty, or the calm of righteous indignation. But the peaceful and joyous noise of real progress. It is, as ever, better to support a generation-long undertaking of peaceful transformation, though it may be marred by outbreaks of conflict, than enter into a generation-long war, calling it just that, in hopes that it will result in something orderly.

I promise, with all of that in mind, to lead an ambitiously realistic effort to engage in purposeful, principled, thoughtful diplomacy, near and far."